Saturday, August 24, 2013

Notes to the Introduction to Aslan's Zealot

Notes to the Introduction of Reza Aslan’s Zealot
Rev. Dr. Tom Sorenson
August, 2013

In his Introduction to his book Zealot: The Life and Times of Jesus of Nazareth, Reza Aslan sets out the task he undertakes in the book, namely, to paint an historically accurate, that is, factual, picture of Jesus of Nazareth.  This book is a quest for the historical Jesus, and I ask you please to read my piece on the quest and this book before you read these notes to the Introduction.  It’s on line at monroeuccadulted.blogspot.com, as these notes will be when I’m done with them.  I have serious reservations about any attempt to identify the historical person Jesus of Nazareth behind the Jesus, or the Jesuses, we have in the Gospels, our only sources of information on him.  I do not reject historical critical studies of the Bible.  I value them very highly.  I think we can say with some reasonable certainty at least some things about what in the Gospels is historical fact and what is not.  Doing so is vitally important in some contexts, as when we attribute the anti-Judaism and the Christian exclusivism of the Gospels to the books’ authors and not to Jesus himself despite the fact that the Gospels put anti-Jewish and exclusivist sayings into Jesus’ mouth.  I have no doubt that the sayings attributed to Jesus in the Gospel of John are not authentic sayings of Jesus but are rather faith confessions of the Johanine community many decades after Jesus’ death.  That doesn’t necessarily make them untrue as faith confessions, but if they are true they are not true because Jesus said them.  He didn’t.  Historical criticism is essential, but that doesn’t mean that we have any way of reconstructing a Jesus radically different from the one(s) we find in the Bible.  I’m afraid that’s what Aslan is doing here, and these notes are going to be very critical of his work.  As always, you don’t have to agree with me, although I suspect that most of you will find Aslan’s Jesus disturbing and hard to believe in.  So read Aslan closely.  Read him critically, as you should anything you read.  Aslan isn’t gospel.  The Gospels are gospel.  This book is really interesting and challenging, but it doesn’t necessarily give you a truth you didn’t know before.  With that I’ll move on to comments about specific things Aslan says in his Introduction.

Eschatological holy men were common in Jesus’ day, a time of much apocalyptic expectation.  All kinds of people claimed to be messiahs and foretold the coming of the Kingdom of God.  Among them were the prophet Theudas mentioned in Acts; an figure known only as “the Egyptian,” whose army the Romans massacred; Athronges, a poor shepherd who crowned himself King of the Jews and was killed with his followers by the Romans; “The Samaritan,” whom Pontius Pilate crucified; Hezekiah the bandit chief; Simon of Peraea; Judas the Galilean, and Simon bar Kochba.  They all had messianic ambitions, and Rome killed all of them.  There were other groups as well, the Essenes (of Dead Sea Scrolls fame); the Sicarii (assassins who stabbed Romans and their Jewish collaborators with daggers), and later (at the time of the rebellion of 66CE) an organized party called the Zealots.  Aslan says that first century Palestine was “awash in messianic energy.”  As we go along we will see that Aslan considers Jesus to have been essentially another of these would be messiahs, not all that much different from the others, whom Rome handled the same way they handled all the rest of them.
Then we come to the first thing Aslan gets wrong about Jesus.  He says that Jesus called for violence, and he cites Luke 22:36 for that proposition.  In doing so he gets that passage from Luke all wrong.  He cites verse 36b (calling it only verse 36) but not verses 37 and 38 that immediately follow.  I’ll give you all three verses here:

He said to them, ‘But now, the one who has a purse must take it, and likewise a bag.  And the one who has no sword must sell his cloak and buy one.  For I tell you, this scripture must be fulfilled in me, ‘And he was counted among the lawless’; and indeed what is written about me is being fulfilled.’  They said, ‘Lord, look, here are two swords.’  He replied, ‘It is enough.’

Aslan takes “the one who has no sword must sell his cloak and buy one” as a call to violence.  In context we can see that it isn’t.  Jesus says that he’s saying that because “this scripture must be fulfilled in me.”  He doesn’t want his people to use violence, he wants some scripture to be fulfilled.  The scripture in question is Isaiah 53:12, part of one of Second Isaiah’s “suffering servant songs.”  The point is Luke’s, not Jesus’, and it is that Jesus is the suffering servant of whom Isaiah spoke.  Note also that the disciples produce two swords in response to what Jesus said.  Twelve disciples, two swords.  Jesus says it is enough.  Enough for what?  Certainly not to fight the Romans.  Not even enough for all twelve disciples from defend themselves from a robber.  It is, however, enough to fulfill the scripture; or at least Luke thought it was.  This passage quite simply is not the call to violence that Aslan says it is.  He’s just wrong.  He gives us very bad biblical exegesis here.
Aslan then admits that Jesus, historically speaking, is hard to pin down (which doesn’t stop him from pinning Jesus down, but never mind).  That’s because the New Testament, and specifically the first three Gospels, are our only sources that contain any historical information about him.  That’s a problem because the Gospels are not eyewitness documentation of historical events.  They are testimonies of faith written well after the fact.  Aslan says:  “Simply put, the gospels tell us about Jesus the Christ, not Jesus the man.”  (Which doesn’t stop him from using them to tell him about Jesus the man, but never mind.)  I would say that actually the Gospels, or at least the Synoptic Gospels, tell us about both Jesus the Christ and Jesus the man, as Aslan clearly thinks they do despite his statement here.  The problem is trying to figure out what in the Gospels is about Jesus the man and what in them is later faith confession about Jesus the Christ.
Aslan concludes that there are only two historical facts about Jesus “upon which we can confidently rely.”  They are that Jesus was a Jew who led a popular movement in Palestine early in the first century and that the Romans crucified him for doing so.  Aslan says that, but as he writes his book he more or less confidently relies on a whole lot more supposed facts about Jesus and what he said.  His method for moving forward despite the paucity of reliable facts about Jesus is, he says, to combine these two facts with everything else we know about the time and place where Jesus lived.  The history of Palestine from about 4 BCE and 73 CE is really important for Aslan.  It is a tumultuous and violent history, and Aslan claims that that history sheds significant light on Jesus.  He says that using that history together with those two bare bone facts about him “can help paint a picture of Jesus of Nazareth that may be more historically accurate than the one painted by the gospels.”  Note how careful he is here.  “May be” more historically accurate, not is more historically accurate.  It is commendable caution on his part, but of course he goes ahead and gives us his picture of Jesus nonetheless.
Then we come to a pretty good statement of Aslan’s thesis in the book: 

“Indeed, the Jesus that emerges from this historical exercise—a zealous revolutionary swept up, as all Jews of the era were, in the religious and political turmoil of first-century Palestine—bears little resemblance to the image of the gentle shepherd cultivated by the early Christian community.” 

Here Aslan calls Jesus a “zealous revolutionary”.  That’s his primary thesis.  Jesus is a zealous revolutionary.  We’ll get to what he means by “zealous” in due time.  His reference to the context of first century Palestine shows us where Aslan gets much of that image.  There were lots of zealous revolutionaries in first century Palestine.  Just about everyone in first century Palestine was in a revolutionary fervor, he thinks, so for him Jesus was too.
Then there’s the fact that the Romans crucified Jesus.  Crucifixion was the punishment for the crime of sedition.  Sedition is essentially anything that threatens the authority of the state.  The charge against Jesus was that he claimed to be the King of the Jews, Aslan says, taking the Gospels’ statements to that effect as factual history.  The sign on Jesus’ cross said King of the Jews, Aslan says, again taking biblical statements literally.  If I remember right, Crossan, a much better Jesus scholar then Aslan, denies that there would have been any sign on the cross at all.  Still, Aslan accepts the Gospels’ statements that there was, he takes those statements to be factual history, and so he concludes that Jesus claimed to be the King of the Jews. 
Then we come to a key passage of the Introduction that deserves some comment:

The notion that the leader of a popular messianic movement calling for the imposition of the ‘Kingdom of God’—a term that would have been understood by Jew and gentile alike as implying revolt against Rome—could have remained uninvolved in the revolutionary fervor that had gripped nearly every Jew in Judea is simply ridiculous.

There are several things to say about this striking sentence.  First of all, the idea that Jesus called for the “imposition” of the Kingdom of God is just wrong.  He said that the Kingdom of God was already here.  He didn’t call for anyone to impose it on anyone else.  Aslan will later on make much of the fact that Jesus began as a disciple of John the Baptist.  True, but John didn’t call for the imposition of the Kingdom of God either, except perhaps by God.  Jesus changed John’s message.  He didn’t expect God to impose the Kingdom, at least not during Jesus’ lifetime.  Rather, he told people that the Kingdom was already in their midst and called on them to live the life of the Kingdom here and now.  That was a revolutionary message in a way, but it was not a call to revolution in any standard, worldly sense.  It was, and is, a call to us to transform ourselves from the inside.  It is not a call to violent revolution. 
Recall the story of the exorcism of the demon called Legion, usually called the exorcism of the Gerasene Daemoniac, Luke 8:26-33.  In that story Jesus exorcises a bunch of demons out of a man.  The demons identify themselves as “Legion.”  Jesus puts them into a herd of pigs, which all run down the hill into the sea of Galilee and drown.  That’s how Jesus wants to deal with Rome.  The demons are called Legion.  What’s a legion?  It is a basic large unit of the Roman army.  We’ve probably all heard of the Roman legions, that is, the Roman army.  In this story Rome isn’t an external occupying force, or at least that’s not primarily why Rome is such a problem.  Here Rome has occupied a man’s soul.  He has internalized the ways of the Empire.  Jesus symbolically drives the Roman army into the sea in this story, but he does it spiritually to heal a man’s spirit.  That’s how Jesus wanted to deal with Rome.  We need to free ourselves, with the help of the Holy Spirit, from the ways in which empire has occupied our hearts, minds, and souls.  Then we can live the Kingdom life, not the life of worldly empires, whether ancient Roman or modern American. 
Also, it may be true that Jesus could not have been untouched by the “revolutionary fervor” of his people and his homeland.  Galilee had rebelled against Rome in 4 BCE upon the death of Herod the Great.  That’s the year most scholars think Jesus was born.  That rebellion was crushed, and Aslan will have a lot to say about those events shortly.  Jerusalem rebelled in 66 CE and was crushed.  There was indeed a lot of revolutionary fervor in Jesus’ time, but that doesn’t necessarily mean that Jesus was a violent revolutionary or called for violent revolution.  I believe that he responded to that revolutionary fervor not by joining it but by giving people a different vision of how to deal with Rome.  Jesus wanted to create the fullness of the Kingdom of God on earth, but he didn’t want to do it by violent revolution.  He wanted to do it by the spiritual transformation of one person at a time.  Living with people who longed for violent revolution doesn’t necessarily make one a violent revolutionary.  Aslan almost seems to think that it does, or at least he thinks that the crucifixion of Jesus in that context means that it did that to Jesus.  I don’t.
Aslan then asks why the early Christian communities would turn this revolutionary who called for violence into a peaceful spiritual shepherd.  First of all, the Jesus of the Gospels isn’t only a peaceful, spiritual shepherd.  He rants and raves, he overturns tables and releases animals in the temple. he calls people hypocrites.  Never mind.  Aslan says that the process of changing Jesus from a zealous revolutionary into a “peaceful spiritual leader with no interest in any earthly matter” began after the Romans crushed the Jewish rebellion in 70 CE.  He’s wrong about that in at least a couple of ways.  It is beyond me how anyone can read the Synoptic Gospels and think that Jesus has no interest in earthly matters.  In those Gospels Jesus deals with economic justice for the poor more than he deals with anything else.  He’s concerned with people’s physical and spiritual health—in this life, not so much in the next.  In the first, second, and third centuries CE Christianity was illegal.  Why?  Not because it had no interest in earthly matters but because it led people to break the law by not worshipping Caesar and the Roman gods and by refusing to serve in the army.  Yes, for much of Christianity Jesus became that spiritual leader with no interest in earthly matters, but that process didn’t begin in 70 CE.  It began only in the fourth century CE with the establishment of Christianity as the religion of empire.  Again, I couldn’t disagree with Aslan more here.
Aslan acknowledges that he really doesn’t have sufficient historical sources to do what he’s trying to do, although of course he doesn’t put it that way.  He says that trying to write a biography of Jesus “is somewhat akin to putting together a massive puzzle with only a few of the pieces in hand; one has no choice but to fill in the rest of the puzzle based on the best, most educated guess of what the completed image should look like.”  Again he’s wrong of course.  One has another choice.  One can recognize the inadequacy of the sources for the project one wants to undertake and give up the project as undoable.  Of course, you don’t end up with a No. 1 New York Times best seller if you do that, but you can do it nonetheless.  As Aslan concedes, if you write the biography despite the inadequacy of the sources you’re left with a “best guess.”  Why anyone should take a guess, best and most educated or not, seriously I frankly don’t quite understand.[1]
In the piece I wrote and put on the blog just before this one I told you about Albert Schweitzer’s critique of the first quest for the historical Jesus.  Aslan never mentions Schweitzer by name, but he does acknowledge the criticism that Schweitzer was the first to make about seeking the historical Jesus behind the Gospels.  He refers not to Schweitzer but to the prominent German theologian Rudolf Bultmann, who said that the quest for the historical Jesus is in the end actually an internal quest.  Aslan paraphrases Bultmann as saying “Scholars tend to see the Jesus they want to see.  Too often they see themselves—their own reflection—in the image of Jesus they have constructed.”  That’s Schweitzer’s objection, and it is my objection too.  Aslan acknowledges that the objection gets made, but he presses on nonetheless.
He says:  “And yet that best, most educated guess may be enough to, at the very least, question our most basic assumptions about Jesus of Nazareth.”  Really?  Why?  If it’s only a guess, why should it lead anyone to question anything?  Maybe the problem here is that he uses the word “guess.”  Perhaps if he’d called it an informed hypothesis rather than I guess I wouldn’t react so negatively.  But guess is his word, so he’ll have to live with it.
Aslan acknowledges the criticisms of the quest for the historical Jesus, but he insists that his undertaking is legitimate nonetheless.  He says:  “If we expose the claims of the gospels to the heat of historical analysis, we can purge the scriptures of their literary and theological flourishes and forge a far more accurate picture of the Jesus of history.”  That of course is the claim of all historical Jesus studies.  Yet that is precisely what Schweitzer and Bultmann said we can not do.  I don’t dismiss critical study of the Bible.  As I’ve said, I cherish it.  I am however very concerned that Aslan has gone far beyond what honest critical study will allow us to do.  O well.  His book is still interesting and popular, so we’ll press on.



[1] Please understand.  I am among other things a professionally trained historian with a Ph.D. in that discipline.  Aslan has a Ph.D. in sociology, but he isn’t a professionally trained historian.  I and my Ph.D. candidate colleagues all had to write Ph.D. dissertations that met a high scholarly standard.  It was common for us to come up with ideas about an interesting and important subject but give those ideas up because we would never have been able to find sufficient historical sources to complete the work.  Neither Aslan nor anyone else who tries to write a true biography of Jesus has sufficient historical sources to complete the work.  That reality stopped us Ph.D. candidates.  It didn’t stop Aslan, just as it hasn’t stopped many others.

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